Mohammad Reza Sarkar Arani            
Seijoh University, Aichi, Japan
Fukaya Keisuke          
Chūbu University, Aichi, Japan
James P. Lassegard
Hōsei University, Tokyo, Japan
h  is research examines “lesson study” as a traditional model of creating 
professional knowledge in schools.  “Lesson study,” typically dei ned as teachers’ 
classroom based collaborative research, has a long history in Japan as a shared 
professional culture with potential for enhancing learning, enriching classroom 
activities and transforming the school environment. A case study method 
based on historical data is the primary approach used in this research. Detailed 
description and analysis of lessons are provided, individual lesson plans are 
examined and exchanges of views between teachers are discussed.  h  e i  ndings 
are intended to help clarify the cultural and historical role of lesson based 
research in Japanese schools, and also the signii cant inl uence that lesson study 
has exerted on developing a culture of shared professionalism in Japan. 
Keywords: lesson study, elementary school, teaching, professional 
culture, Meiji era, Taishō era, Shōwa era, Japan
1. Introduction
h   e purpose of this research is to examine the historical background to teachers’ collaborative 
research on classroom activities known as “lesson study” (jugyō kenkyū 授業研究), and the 
process by which it came to be established at the elementary school level in Japan. Emphasis is 
here placed on an analysis of the environment and culture of support which generated lesson 
study within Japan’s school culture. School culture is here dei ned  straightforwardly as “the 
commonly held beliefs of teachers, pupils, and principals” (Stolp 1994, p. 2). Beliefs are of 
particular signii  cance since they represent basic assumptions, modes of thinking, values, rituals, 
heroes, and symbols (Hofstede 2001, Senge 1990).  A review of the research literature on school
culture reveals an understanding that parents, teachers, principals and pupils all work within a 
cultural context that inl  uences every aspect of their educational activities (Prosser 1999; Hinde 
2004; Takahata 2004). h  is paper thus refers to school culture, as dei ned above, especially 
in terms of organization (Hofstede 2001).  Following Bruner (1996) who notes that “culture 
has always been in the process of change” (p. 97), the present authors regard school culture as 
malleable, forever accommodating possibilities for leadership inspired change. Our discussion 
of lesson study as professional culture within Japanese schools also draws on Schein’s dynamic 
view of organizational culture, with its theoretical perspective on how cultures begin and how 
they develop. Schein (1985) reveals the “underlying interpersonal and emotional processes that 
help to explain what we mean when we say a number of people  share a common view of a 
problem and develop a shared solution.” For Schein, moreover, “all dei nitions of culture involve 
the concept of shared solutions, shared understanding, and consensus” (p. 149).
h  e phenomenon known as lesson study evolved through precisely such a sharing 
of responsibility, and a collaborative process of preparing lesson plans, conducting and 
observing lessons, checking and evaluating teaching, rel  ecting on practice, and replanning 
(Sarkar Arani, Shibata and Matoba 2007).  Teachers i rst created lesson plans in response to 
learning requirements, and they established their classroom objectives in the actual process of 
classroom teaching. Subsequently, methods for evaluating lesson objectives were devised. All of 
this was managed entirely by the teachers themselves. School committees were established for 
collaborative lesson study, and they were typically divided into their various functions of lesson 
planning, lesson implementation and classroom observation, and sessions for evaluation and 
rel  ection. In preliminary research meetings, careful consideration was given to understanding 
the circumstances of pupils. h  ere would also typically be an examination of the development 
of the lesson, based on whether or not the questions, printed documents distributed, and 
instructions given by teachers were appropriate, and whether pupils had developed motivation 
for study. Teachers observed actual classroom conditions, and they later conducted critique or 
“rel  ection sessions” (hanseikai 反省会).
Inherent to lesson study were the training sessions conducted for lesson plan review, 
for classroom observation documents, and for lesson rel  ection and evaluation. A unique 
environment developed in which fellow teachers visited and observed each other in the 
classroom, and pupils engaged in study in the uncommon atmosphere of being observed.  Since 
classroom visits occurred on a regular basis from 1872 as part of teacher training for novice 
teachers, pupils quickly became accustomed to studying in this open setting. Visiting teachers 
examined the responses and behaviour of pupils to determine the degree of their interest in the 
class, and the suitability of the questions asked and of the texts used. h  e rel  ective nature of 
lesson study had as its premise collaboration between participants, and throughout the process 
emphasis was placed on how pupils viewed and comprehended the subject matter being taught. 
h   e methodology inherent in conducting lesson study further led to the need for ef  ective 
documentation of classroom observations. Lesson study was thus inherently a collaborative 
undertaking which Senge has identii  ed as “involving everyone in the system in expressing 
their aspirations, building their awareness, and developing their capabilities together” (Senge 
et al. 2000, p.5).  It is, of course, of interest to consider how lesson study might be ef  ectively 
transposed into other educational cultures, but of more immediate concern to the present paper 
is an exploration of how Japanese lesson study developed into an intrinsic part of Japanese 
educational culture in general, and of the culture of individual schools in particular. h  is paper’s
focus is on the operation of lesson study as it developed within Japanese public schools from 
Meiji through Taishō to Shōwa, and it deploys to this end historical evidence and documents 
created by school-based research groups.
2. Lesson Study in the Meiji Era
Modern Japan’s education system began with the promulgation of the Fundamental 
Code of Education (Gakusei 学制) of 1872, which laid the foundations for new schools, new 
perspectives on education, including teaching methods and the professional development and 
training of teachers. h   e Ministry of Education (Monbushō 文部省) sought to establish a 
unii  ed system of school and teacher training throughout Japan (Tōkyō Bunrika Daigaku and 
Tōkyō Kōtō Shihan Gakkō 1932). According to Lincicome’s research on educational reform in 
Meiji Japan, “the government founded the i rst normal schools, recruited their i  rst pupils, hired 
their i rst faculties, and translated the i rst teaching manuals to train them in the new “science” 
of education” (Lincicome 1995, p. 233). Certainly, prior to Meiji, there were numerous other 
“schools” in existence, such as the local schools or (terakoya 寺子屋) which Western scholars 
translate as “temple schools” (Marshall 1994; Lincicome 1995).  Learning also took place within 
private schools, and in schools established by feudal domains, but these schools did not have an 
impact on education across Japan.  As a result of education reforms implemented shortly after 
the Meiji restoration of 1868, Japanese elementary school education became oriented toward 
European and American models, with their spirit of improving education for the common 
people in an age of modernity. In the process of transferring Western technical “know-how,” 
the Meiji government deemed it necessary to encourage educational goals that were conducive 
to building a modern Japan. 
Early Meiji educational methodology was concerned above all with the process of 
teaching lessons in the classroom. h   e teacher stands up straight in front of the wall map or 
blackboard, with pupils seated in an orderly fashion before him. Pupils respond to instructions 
and questions that are repeatedly posed by teachers. Western, particularly American, textbooks 
were translated for use in the classroom, and classes were conducted in a uniform manner 
regardless of the subjects being taught.  Such a methodology was rooted in Western educational 
thought and practice, and while there were clearly insui   cient numbers of teachers capable 
of teaching with modern educational methods, the ideal remained of implementation within 
all elementary schools in Japan. h  e afore mentioned Fundamental Code of Education set 
out to establish facilities for the cultivation of teachers. Accordingly, in January of 1873, 
the Japanese government founded an elementary school, the so-called Tōkyō Shihan Gakkō 
Fuzoku Shōgakkō (東京師範学校附属小学校 Elementary School attached to Tokyo Normal 
School), and in April of the same year, 78 pupils began classes there. h  e elementary school was 
founded for the purpose of providing a practical learning environment for teachers and pupils 
of Tokyo Normal School where they could observe classrooms, conduct experiments using new 
methods, and provide training for teachers in classroom management (Tōkyō Bunrika Daigaku 
and Tōkyō Kōtō Shihan Gakkō 1932).
h   e graduates of Tokyo Normal School during the i rst decade of Meiji era  did not 
become elementary school teachers, but were invited by prefectural governments to accept 
positions as teacher trainers. Tokyo Normal School thus served as a training institution for 
elementary school teachers in rural areas, and its role later changed in 1902 when it became 
the Tokyo Secondary School Teachers College (ibid). In August of 1873, Normal Schools were
also established in Osaka and Sendai, and in 1874 government-operated normal schools were 
set up in Aichi, Hiroshima, Nagasaki, and Niigata prefectures. h  ese institutions attempted to 
inform their teacher training with educational methods found in Western countries, and it was 
natural for teachers to engage in collaborative learning about curriculum and instruction. h  e 
graduates of these Normal Schools disseminated their newly acquired knowledge of Western 
teaching methods at their schools of employment, and were expanding further upon their 
experiences in the classroom.
Teachers set up regional learning groups (chiiki no gakushū shūdan 地域の学習集団) 
which were designed to facilitate the sharing of experiences about learning, teaching, designing 
ef  ective lesson plans, and managing the classroom and school administration. h  ese groups 
also concerned themselves with teachers’ working rights (Inagaki 1966). Regional learning 
groups l ourished, and had a signii cant impact on teachers’ professional development in the 
i  rst decades of the Meiji period, when most schools could employ only one or two teachers.  
In 1877, out of a total number of 19,345 schools, 8,332 (43 percent) employed one teacher, 
4,766 schools (25 percent) had two teachers, and only 84 schools reportedly had ten teachers.  
Moreover, 6,170 schools were equipped with only a single classroom. By 1881, the total number 
of schools declined to 17,889, but over half of them employed at least two teachers (Inagaki 
1966, p. 37). 
Teachers in early Meiji elementary schools revealed a deep interest in curriculum and 
instructional methods.  h   ere was notable participation in regional autonomous learning groups 
during the period of the popular rights movement (jiyū minken undō 自由民権運動)  from 
1878 to 1888.  h  e activities of educational organizations at this time, which saw teachers form 
autonomous study groups, have been mentioned in previous literature on the subject (Katagiri  
1990).  In the 1880s, teachers’ research on classroom instruction concentrated on the i  ve 
steps of teaching structure based on the educational philosophy of Johann Friedrich Herbart: 
namely, preparation, presentation, comparison, integration, and application (Robinson 1977; 
Inagaki 1993).  Miller (2003) explains the signii cance of the Herbartian approach as follows: 
“Using this structure a teacher prepared a topic of interest to the children, presented that 
topic, and questioned them inductively, so that they reached new knowledge based on what 
they had already known, looked back, and deductively summed up the lesson’s achievements, 
then related these to moral precepts for daily living” (p. 114).  Subsequently Japanese teachers 
published research that drew on Herbart’s method, which proved to be the favoured method 
of teacher training in Meiji Japan. h  e work of Higuchi Kanjirō 樋口勘次郎, who led the 
movement toward more pupil-centered teaching practices, is representative (Higuchi 1905).  
During Meiji, the frequent importation of Western educational thought and systems led 
to the establishment of a new educational discourse, in which “teachers, as professionals, were 
trained to assume the dual roles of both “scientist” (empirical, logical, critical, and analytical) 
and “artist” (creative, adaptive, and l exible)” (Lincicome 1995, p.234). New critical approaches 
to Herbart duly emerged among educators in the early 20th
 century (Hisaki, 1980).  h  is critical 
discourse resulted in teachers shifting their focus from teaching to learners’ needs, activities, 
individuality, and learning strategies (Lincicome 1995; Nakano 1968).  In spite of these new 
developments, classroom circumstances, in which teachers directly advised and taught many 
levels of pupils, remained fraught with dii   culty.  h   ere were insui   cient numbers of qualii ed 
teachers, and it was often the case at schools with mixed levels that an individual teacher was 
required to accommodate pupils of multiple ages and abilities in the same classroom.  However, 
a breakthrough happened around the turn of the twentieth century that alleviated these dii   cult 
conditions.  h  is was the popularization of teaching methods that catered to pupils of dif  erent 
levels within the same classroom.
Research by Katagiri (1990) has indicated that during the 1880s, the regional learning 
groups, which had been established throughout Japan, gave teachers the opportunity to begin 
“lesson study groups” (jugyō kenkyūkai 授業研究会). h  e main purpose of these latter groups 
was to share the experiences of teachers who conducted lesson study in their classrooms. 
Elementary schools attached to teacher training colleges began to undertake empirical studies 
to overcome problems within the school classroom, and lesson study groups were formed 
at numerous elementary schools. h ese gatherings for the exchange of knowledge were 
enthusiastically hosted by the growing community of alumni at the teacher training colleges. 
Furthermore, the reports of alumni meetings, for example, contained detailed records of 
classroom teaching practices. h   e existence of lesson study groups at elementary schools attached 
to teacher training colleges had became common by the late Meiji era, while the numbers of 
participating elementary school teachers grew. h  is motivation to study new teaching methods 
encouraged teachers to accept more responsibility for teaching and learning. h  is kind of teacher 
learning community was supported and expanded by the Normal Schools Alumni Association 
(Shihan Gakkō Gakuyūkai 師範学校学友会). h   at lesson study groups now began to exert 
a substantial impact on the improvement of teaching practice, and subsequently helped to 
inl  uence the expansion of lesson study in schools. h  e background for cooperative lesson plans 
at elementary schools had developed within three main social contexts of the Meiji era.  First, 
in various regions of Japan there was a contextual basis for teachers to learn a new teaching 
method provided by the new Meiji educational discourse. Second, there already existed in 
Meiji Japan teacher training colleges intended to cultivate professional skills, while the ai   liated 
elementary schools served as a laboratory for conducting practical research.  Teachers were thus 
able to conduct research based on practical classroom issues and timely educational topics, and 
to convey these research perspectives to their counterparts in regional areas. h  ird, there existed 
“Alumni” Practical Research Reports (jissen hōkoku 実践報告) for college graduates. 
In the late 1870s and early 1880s, the Ministry of Education challenged local school 
administrators to apply a more creative and l  exible approach through ef  ective teacher training. 
Lincicome states that “in practice, however, the Ministry’s tightly knit web of laws demanded just 
the opposite:  strict allegiance to the center” (Lincicome 1995, p. 234). Indeed, the government 
relied on the Ministry to revise curriculum guidelines, and to inspect and authorize textbooks, 
activities which certainly exerted a profound inl  uence on the content and transmission of 
school-based knowledge.  In this context, local administrators and teachers were persuaded 
to accept the political and ideological values of the Meiji government as a framework for the 
modernization of Japan (ibid). According to Horio, teachers were expected to function in their 
dealings with children and their parents as agents acting under “the emperor’s supervision” 
(tennō no kanri 天皇の管理) (Horio 1988, p. 254).
Nevertheless, the apparent contradictions between ideals held by teachers and the dictates 
of national government policy led educators in the 1880s to promote an educational discourse 
that emphasized pedagogical knowledge and teaching methods (Marshall 1994; Abosch 1964). 
Educational progress during the Meiji period thus came to support principals’ and teachers’ 
critical rel  ection on both theory and practice for the improvement of lessons and of the 
teaching training system.  Individual educators, such as Marion McCarrell Scott (1843–1922),
introduced Western educational practice into Tokyo Normal School (Sato 1998), and then 
promoted a pedagogical discourse that focused on ef ective teaching methods during the Taishō 
era (1912–1926) (Collins 1975). Such developments “helped to fuel the so-called new education 
(shinkyōiku 新教育) or liberal education (jiyū kyōiku自由教育) movement” based on the 
philosophies of Johann Heinrich Pestalozzi (1746–1827), Jean-Jacques Rousseau (1712–1778), 
Friedrich Wilhelm August Fröbel (1782–1852) and Herbert Spencer (1820–1903) (Lincicome 
1995, p. 240). Teachers subsequently acquired the opportunity to do  lesson study in small 
groups and to link educational concepts such as learning from practice (jissen kara manabu 
実践から学ぶ) and rel  ection  (hansei 反省) on teaching, with new Western ideas such as 
pupil centered education, l exible educational administration, individuality, citizenship, anti 
bureaucratic activity, and the application of practical teaching and training methods  (Hisaki 
1980; Ebihara 1975). h   e stage was thus set for teachers to expand their autonomy in terms of 
professional development which, although at times conl icting with state authority, allowed for 
the eventual sustainability of lesson study in schools across Japan from the Taishō era.
3. Lesson Study in the Taishō Era
Japanese scholars have noted that during the prewar period when school curricula had 
become increasingly rigid and nationalistic, teachers still created opportunities for research on 
teaching in practice, and engaged in collaborative inquiry on classroom activities in order to 
improve teaching. For example, Toyoda (2005) has detailed how during the Taishō era Japanese 
teachers created a child centered curriculum, and independent learning activities. He suggests, 
moreover, that teachers at Mikuni 三国 Elementary School in Taishō Japan, had the freedom to 
“choose subjects of study, devise learning methods, develop learning materials and collect pupil 
data” (Toyoda 2005, p. 86).
Iwasaki’s investigation of the lesson study process in elementary school science education 
in Taishō found that teachers’ discussion meetings were particularly ef ective in enhancing 
teaching by paying more attention to pupils, and by encouraging the search for better designed 
teaching and learning materials (Iwasaki 2001). Iwasaki has analyzed records of teachers’ 
meetings on science lesson plans held at Toyohira 豊平 Elementary School in Sapporo in 
1920, and he reports how teachers discussed ways of emphasizing cooperation and mutual 
interaction between teachers and pupils. Fukaya’s (2007) research on an elementary school 
attached to the Kagoshima 鹿児島 Normal School demonstrates that teachers in early Taishō 
were collaborating to encourage discussion and rel  ection on teaching. According to Sugiyama 
(2004), “[Japanese] school curriculum had been nationally determined for a long period, 
during which time there had been instructor manuals for teaching the national curriculum. 
It was therefore required that teachers adhere to these manuals; lesson study in practice was 
only geared toward technical aspects of teaching” (p. 352). Toyoda (2009) also notes that while 
lesson study was strictly bound by nationally determined curricular content, teachers made 
innovations on an individual level. For instance, in the Taishō era, Miyoshi Tokue 三好得恵, 
a principal of Mikuni Elementary School, cultivated teachers’ capacity to exercise leadership by 
promoting collaborative activities. Moreover, Miyoshi founded an association to raise funds for 
holding open classes and for publishing books on teaching. 
h  e origin of the Taishō model of lesson study, which emphasizes critical feedback 
on lessons, assessment of lesson plans, and rel ective practice, can be found in the teaching 
methods of Ashida Enosuke 芦田恵之助  (1873–1951), a teacher at the elementary school 
attached to the Tokyo Higher Normal School from 1899 to 1917. His area of expertise was 
teaching Japanese language (kokugo 国語) (Kobayashi 1989).  h  e lesson records (jugyō kiroku 
授業記録) of Ashida and other teachers who learned from him are contained in Dōshi dōgyō 
同志同行, a monthly journal of research on teaching.
1
 h   ese lesson records of teachers were 
entitled Kyōdan kiroku 教壇記録, and consisted of the shorthand writings of Aoyama Hiroshi
青山廣志, a correspondent for the Osaka Mainichi Shinbun 大阪毎日新聞 (Osaka Mainichi 
Newspaper). h  ese writings of er a description of the evolution of Ashida’s classroom practice. 
Ashida outlined his teaching methods for reading Japanese in the “Ashida Method of Seven 
Steps” (Ashida shiki shichi henge 芦田式七変化), and embarked on a mission to disseminate his 
philosophy of teaching throughout Japan.
2
 h  e Dōshi dōgyō was read by teachers who wanted 
to learn Ashida’s methods, and had a large impact on Japanese elementary schools in the 1930s. 
h   rough their review of Ashida’s lesson records, teachers were able to learn from his reading 
methods, and integrate them into their own practices. Ashida emphasized the power of lesson 
records and lesson analysis (jugyō bunseki 授業分析).  His methods represented a departure 
from the Herbartian and other teaching structures in their emphasis on more meticulous 
classroom interaction, and greater respect for children’s learning and communication needs 
(Ashida 1936a).h   e Herbartian teaching method was prone to formality, and had proved 
dii   cult to apply to teaching in an actual classroom. Moreover, its strict adherence to the 
completion of all i  ve stages was not well suited to lessons which accommodated pupils of 
diverse abilities. h  ese points of criticism, informed by an active approach to learning, were 
i  rst made by Higuchi Kanjirō (Higuchi 1905). Ashida was well known as a fervent supporter 
of Higuchi, and he too cautioned against a teaching approach that was too regimented.  As the 
lesson records published in Dōshi dōgyō make clear, Ashida maintained charts of pupil seating 
(zaseki hyō 座席表) and teachers’ blackboard writings, and he wrote down the exchange of 
questions and answers that transpired between teachers and pupils. Teachers’ rel  ection upon 
classroom activity based on question and answer sessions with pupils was accomplished by 
direct observation of the classroom, and group discussion. Furthermore, mimeograph machines, 
which by now had become widely used in educational settings, made the dissemination of ideas 
possible throughout Japan. h  ese machines allowed the easy distribution of lesson plans, lesson 
records and rel ective comments among teachers. As a result, active lesson study was able to 
develop and become more widespread at schools. 
School principals were often active in supporting teachers’ autonomy in their practice 
of lesson study (Toyoda 2009). Nevertheless, principals and local education authorities did 
not readily welcome learning and teaching innovations that challenged traditional methods of 
school management as dictated by the Ministry of Education (Ebihara 1975).  Hence, Taishō 
teachers in general did not have the individual authority to reform teaching content and school 
curriculum in order to render it more responsive to pupils’ needs (Lincicome 1995; Inagaki 
1993; Ebihara 1975). Kijō 亀城 Elementary School in Early Shōwa Japan
With the proliferation of mimeograph machines, preparing lesson plans based on 
curriculum guidelines, followed by critical review sessions, became the central work of lesson 
study committees. Teachers at elementary schools used the mimeograph to print out lesson 
plans that rel  ected their educational views, distributed them to fellow teachers, and attended 
open classes and critical review sessions for evaluation and rel  ection.
Written records of teaching plans between the years 1932 to 1934 were maintained at Kijō 
Elementary School (KES) located in Kariya 刈谷 city, Aichi Prefecture.
4
 A geography lesson 
study plan comprising seven lessons for 5th
 year pupils is analyzed here, and a description of the 
seven lessons may be viewed in Appendix A. h  is record of seven lessons is part of a unit lesson 
study plan created by Isomura Akira 磯村章, and it took place on September 20, 1930. Isomura 
describes here in detail the objectives of the lesson, and designs an outline of observations and 
professional dialogue on his teaching for the discussion session to be held afterwards. His lesson 
plan resembles a check list: it contains seven items for teaching, and eighteen items for teacher 
and pupil activities in the teaching and learning process. h  ese were to be used for both self-
evaluation and rel ection on the lesson, as well as for colleagues’ discussion of methods for 
geography teaching.
Isomura carried out two surveys of pupils, and made an analysis of his i  ndings. h  e 
questionnaires inquired about children’s motivation toward the learning of geography. A 
preliminary investigation was conducted in early May (Appendix B); it was followed by another 
in late September (Appendix C). Isomura’s observations suggest his ability to rel  ect deeply 
on his practice: “I wondered what children, who are as pure as blank sheets of paper, thought 
about the learning of geography, and so I listened carefully to their honest opinions. h  ere were 
twenty i ve comments from twenty two children about why they liked learning geography, 
while forty children gave i fty three reasons for their dislike of geography” (Appendix B).
h   e basic intention behind Isomura’s lesson study was to “facilitate pupils’ learning about 
mountains in central Japan, and to cultivate their interest in mountains,” but he also emphasized 
raising their general interest in geography. To this end, his lesson plan also state what approach 
in geography was most appropriate for understanding the feelings and cultivating the interest of 
youngsters. For Isomura, lesson planning was the way to improve practice. He noted:
I must admit that I am to blame for many pupils’ responses [about learning geography]. 
When learning geography for the i rst time, pupils are expected to memorize a large 
amount of information.  I ignored the obvious fact that learning the geography of one’s 
region requires an enormous amount of ef ort. In light of this, I thought I would like 
to start anew and try to teach geography that was interesting and fun (Appendix C). 
h   e results of Isomura’s research on classroom practice can be verii ed by means of the two 
afore mentioned questionnaires. h  e children’s responses leave no doubt that the lesson plan 
attracted their attention, and encouraged them to focus and engage themselves in the classroom 
activity. Isomura’s change of approach toward the teaching of geography resulted in verii  able 
dif  erences in children’s perception of the classroom atmosphere and the study of geography 
(Appendix B). His second survey saw the number of positive pupils’ comments rise from twenty 
i  ve to eighty, while reasons given for their dislike of learning geography declined from i  fty three 
to thirty seven. It is also meaningful to examine how pupils wrote their comments (Appendix 
C). In the i rst survey, pupils only wrote very brief comments, but in the second most wrote full 
sentences to explain their enthusiasm for geography.  For example, one pupil wrote, “I really 
like geography. It is because 1) I can i nd out many things by looking at a map; 2) I love learning 
about many towns and cities; 3) I can easily understand the teacher’s questions, and have an 
interesting discussion for an hour; 4) It’s interesting to learn how the topography of the land 
has developed” (Appendix C). It must be underscored that Isomura repeatedly rel  ected upon 
his own classroom practice, and was concerned that his teaching may not have been completely 
understood by his pupils (Appendix C). He noted:
…children thought it was interesting and fun to start the lesson by looking at the 
postcards and illustrations that they had brought to class. I was glad to observe that 
children were happy with the way I resolved the previous problems, and it became my 
usual teaching practice to conduct lessons while working in tandem with them. h  is was 
a warning for me to change my teaching style (Appendix D). 
 Isomura’s comments suggest the potential for Japanese teachers to collaborate regularly 
and learn from colleagues, and rel  ect individually on the realities of pupils’ learning. His 
records of lesson study process are, however, not the only ones in existence for KES. For 1930 to 
1933, there exist mimeograph records of other lesson plans, participant observation notes and 
teachers’ notes of discussion and evaluation sessions. h  e appendices of this paper contain just 
a few of the many existing records relating to lesson study process at KES. Other evidence of 
the lesson study process in practice exists in the form of the discussion and evaluation sessions 
of 4th
 and 6th
 grade science education lessons in 1930 (Appendices E and F). In particular, 
we may observe from the teachers’ notes included in Appendix E, the specii city with which 
they recorded their rel ections and observations on teaching science to pupils. Consider for 
example the following notes: “whether questions posed to pupils are refutable”, “the degree of 
pupil-centered teaching,” “how to respond to pupils’ questions.” Appendix F provides detail 
of teachers’ discussion and critique sessions, and includes these comments by a 6th
 grade class 
teacher (Sugiura Ito 杉浦いと): “h  e lesson should begin with a discussion of something made 
from vinegar that is related to life,” “the pupils’ experiments are mechanical” and “make sure 
that the results from the experiment are duly written down in the record book.” 
h   ere was also some debate in the review and evaluation sessions over whether the class 
was clearly focused on pupils’ learning activities, whether teaching was directed at pupils’ 
understanding, and whether the teacher adopted a sui   ciently  rel  ective attitude toward his 
lesson plan. From these excerpts, it would seem that many KES teachers emphasized pupil-
centered teaching, and were striving to function as “managers of learning,” in addition to their 
roles as didactic instructors in the building of a learning community culture in schools of early 
Shōwa Japan.
5
5. Discussion
KES records of geography and science classroom lesson study shed light on lesson study 
as it was implemented in one public school at the start of the 1930s. Lesson study, teachers’ 
professional development, and the use of new teaching methods were not only prevalent in 
the ai  liated schools of teacher education colleges, but were also actively incorporated into 
regional public schools (Nakauchi 1970; Miyoshi 1972). h  is owes much to the fact that 
Japan had a very high rate of primary school enrollment, even compared with more developed 
nations.  Indeed, as early as the year 1907, 98.5 percent of boys and 96 percent of girls went to 
school (Kaigo and Naka 1963, p. 90).  Moreover, in the 1930s when lesson study became more 
prevalent, the rate of secondary enrollment was also relatively high, with 21 percent of boys and 
15.5 percent of girls attending (Murata et al. 1996, p. 85).
During the early 20th
 century, many educational journals focused on teaching methods. 
Kyōiku kenkyū 教育研究 (Educational Research) was published in 1904 by the elementary 
school attached to the Tokyo Higher Normal School, and it became a prominent educational 
journal contributing to the practice of lesson study (Koizumi 1904).  Additionally, numerous 
other journals on lesson study also contributed to its dissemination. h  ese included Kyōiku
jikkenkai 教育実験界(h   e Society for Experimental Education), and Kyōiku gakujutsukai 教
育学術界(h   e Society for Science of Education) which were founded in 1898 and 1899, 
respectively (Ōmura 1898; Inoue 1899). It would appear, therefore, that lesson study came 
to constitute an essential aspect of school culture and teachers’ professional development by 
the  late Taishō and early Shōwa eras, and the educational journals served to deepen mutual 
exchanges between schools throughout Japan. Certainly, the culture of lesson study was formed 
through classroom instruction of teachers at schools across Japan. School teachers taught 
lessons based on their individual views of education, and they openly shared their views on 
educational improvement both inside their schools and with society at large. At the start of the 
20th
 century, teachers were also using photography to record classroom activities and learning 
environments, and were making these images and words public by means of educational 
journals (Kinkōdō Henshūbu 1910; Yoshida 1921; Ebihara 1975; Toyoda 2005; Fukaya 
2007). Photography was used for more empirical evaluation of lessons and teaching.  Figure 1 
depicts pupils’ independent learning environment in a class at Honami Shōgakkō 穂波小学校 
(Honami Elementary School). h  is photo was used as instructional material for pupils in the 
teacher training and education course at Fukuoka ken Fukuoka Shihan Gakkō 福岡県福岡師
範学校 (Fukuoka Prefectural Normal School) in 1909. In the photo we can observe the quiet 
and attentive of pupils after the whistle has blown marking the start of study time. 
h   e question that naturally arises is why teachers thought it necessary to photograph the 
classroom learning activities of pupils.  Figure 2 is a photograph of the school principal, Kuroda 
Sadae 黒田定衛, teaching pupils a lesson in moral education using the story of Matsumoto 
Keidō 松本奎堂. Matsumoto was a  samurai 侍, well-known in the city of Kariya  for his 
driving ambition, and his philosophy of school discipline which included the principles of 
“improvement, perseverance, and cooperation”.  In the photos, Principal Kuroda stands directly 
in front of the class; the backs of pupils are visible and convey the tense classroom atmosphere 
typical of the study of moral education. h   e atmosphere of the moral education class depicted 
in Figure 1 appears to be contemplative and collaborative, and is quite dif erent from the rigid 
atmosphere depicted in Figure 2.  h  e teacher in Figure 1 can be seen wandering among pupils, 
checking their work and giving individual assistance. However, in Figure 2, the teacher delivers 
a traditional didactic lesson from the front of the classroom with pupils sitting straight to 
attention. h   e contrasting pedagogical styles of the teachers can be clearly discerned in these 
two photographs. During the Meiji and Taishō eras, it was common for school principals to 
assume responsibility for teaching moral education (shūshin 修身). h   is explains much of 
the dif  erence found between approaches to teaching morals and other subjects. Principals 
tended to give formal lectures in moral education, which covered such topics as school culture, 
goals, life skills and ethics in society. In the Shōwa era, however, the National School Law 
(Kokumin Gakkō Rei 国民学校令) of 1941 dictated that responsibility for moral education 
should be transferred from principals to home room teachers (Motokane 1996; Hayashi 1997; 
Monbushō 1981). It should be duly noted that both photographs were taken 1909–1910, and 
the suggestion is that by this time there already existed diverse views of teaching. It is commonly 
viewed that Meiji era education, particularly from 1890, was based on instilling the values of 
loyalty, patriotism, and respect for the emperor (Yoshida 1921).  Nevertheless, the impression 
given by Figure 1 is that pupil-centered learning in classroom activities had already begun to 
develop at regional public elementary schools.
A school organization comprises teachers, administrators, and pupils themselves, and
the formation of school culture is a direct outcome of the actions taken by these dif  erent 
stakeholders.  Teachers’ lesson study served to create the educational culture in Japan over the 
course of one hundred years. Elementary school teachers’ cooperative engagement in lesson 
study remains to this day a remarkable feature of elementary and junior high school teaching 
in Japan. It points to a school culture that encourages mutual observation and the exchange 
of pedagogical views; it is one in which teaching and learning take place through voluntary 
activity that enhances the professional competence of school teachers. What was the role, 
then, that lesson study played in the formation of professional development at schools? In 
elementary and junior high schools, this practice led to an increased motivation for learning. 
Indeed, lesson study committees were recognized by the teaching staf  as vital spaces for the 
educational development of children, and played an important role in supporting the essential 
function of school education. As seen in the case of KES, a variety of lesson study activities had 
already taken root in regions of Japan by 1930. Furthermore, lesson study encouraged teachers, 
through their observations of pupils’ learning activities, to rel  ect upon their own teaching 
practices, and so accumulate teaching experience. Lesson study continuously urged teachers 
to examine their own professionalism and create goals that help maintain positive motivation. 
h  is revitalization function generated new teaching practices.
Finally, lesson study emphasized collaborative research on classroom activities, and 
enhanced the possibilities for teachers to rel  ect upon their own practice from multiple 
perspectives.  h  is yielded benei ts for the entire school in terms of pupil comprehension and 
the sustainability of quality teaching. Yet, it must acknowledged that the uncritical adoption 
of lesson study did not necessarily result in more rel  ective teacher practice, or even teachers’ 
collaborative learning. What seems absolutely necessary was for teachers to have a signii  cant 
degree of common understanding of educational practice as a source of rel  ection on the 
teaching and learning process. 
School based in-service training focusing on lesson study promoted professional 
competence and the enhancement of teaching skills. Lesson study enabled educators to 
observe the progress of pupils while improving their teaching skills. In other words, teachers 
became more aware of the diversity in their pupils, and more inclined to think in terms of 
lesson planning oriented to pupils’ learning activities rather than teacher focused pedagogy. 
Improvements in teaching transpired naturally through regular lesson study. Such conditions 
allowed for the democratization of school management, as well as for the possibility of teachers 
making new discoveries in the classroom. One consequence of lesson study was to negate the 
notion that a uniform style of teaching was ef  ective. Pupils’ inability to understand a lesson 
did not mean that the fault was in the pupils’ ability or motivation. Rather, it provided teachers 
with the opportunity to rel  ect upon their own teaching, and encouraged in the entire school 
teaching staf   an attitude of contemplative ef ort in striving for successful learning by all pupils.  
h   e careful collaborative examination by teachers of lessons helped generate an awareness 
of their need to assume more responsibility in terms of school level management. Furthermore, 
if lesson study enhanced teachers’ perceptions of pupils’ circumstances in the classroom, by the 
same token it improved their professional skills.  Teachers who admitted to each other that their 
teaching was not ef ective, who empathized with fellow teachers, and who discovered that they 
had something in common, had the opportunity to set new goals for themselves and for their 
future lessons.
6. Conclusion and Lesson Study Prospects
Lesson study as a professional culture in Japanese education has a long history. During 
the Meiji era, it was necessary that Japan absorb and learn from the educational methods of 
the West in order to create a modern educational system better suited to the needs of the 
modern state. h   e seeds for the future development of lesson study were planted during this 
important period.  In particular, Meiji lesson study was conducted collaboratively at schools 
ai   liated to teacher education colleges, spaces for learning that supported the education of 
teachers. h   is teaching culture subsequently spread to public schools all over the country. In 
the early 20th
 century, a typical Meiji era school environment emerged which provided spaces 
for teachers to discuss the ef ectiveness of their teaching methods (Kinkōdō Henshūbu 1910). 
In addition, the proliferation of mimeographs facilitated collaborative lesson plans. Copying 
and sharing of lesson plans allowed their dissemination to other schools. h  e proliferation 
of this new technology helped contribute to open discussion about teaching. Lesson study 
also enabled Japanese teachers to realize, rel ect upon, and sustain meaning in their classroom 
environment, and in pupil learning activities. h   is pedagogical awareness transpired as a result 
of the accumulation of formal lesson study, but it also arose out of the informal rel  ection of 
individual teachers. h   e way of viewing pupils as described in Isomura’s geography lesson plans, 
for example, was achieved through continuous rel ection on teaching. 
h   is study asserts that the Japanese model of lesson study supported schools in managing 
micro-level educational reform in practice, bringing teachers together to learn from each other 
and to develop the school’s capacity for promoting learning and fostering shared values. Of 
course, the school professional culture of lesson study in Japan was not achieved overnight. It 
constitutes one example of the Japanese practice of kaizen 改善 (continuous improvement) 
which is relatively easy to comprehend yet dii   cult to master in practice, and requires time 
and systematic support from inside and outside the school.  A professional school culture was 
formed through cumulative lesson study activities of teachers, who rel ected on the realities of 
their pupils for over a century. h   e culture of lesson study was cultivated within this learning 
community. 
Arguably, the most remarkable impact of lesson study historically has been its contribution 
toward the creation of a shared professional culture dedicated to educational improvement, 
the enhancement of pupil learning, enrichment of classroom practices, and acquisition of 
pedagogical knowledge (Sarkar Arani, Shibata and Matoba 2007; Takahashi and Yoshida 
2004). Looking to the future, lesson study may help to support school leadership by building 
a culture of collaboration, and instilling a shared commitment among teachers to focus more 
on learning than teaching, and also a shared sense of the meaning of ef  ective teaching. h  is 
may be accomplished through the use of a common language for sharing ideas, in the search 
for a common mission, common values and a common vision (Peterson and Deal 1998; 
O’Neil 1995). Since Stigler and Hiebert published h  e Teaching Gap in 1999, describing the 
Japanese approach to lesson study, teachers and educational researchers worldwide have reacted 
positively to this practice, and this has resulted in an increase in research utilizing ethnography 
as a qualitative method to examine school culture and teacher culture (Fernandez, Cannon and 
Chokshi 2003; Lewis, Perry and Murata 2006; Lee 2008). 
Recently, educators in many countries have begun to learn from their Japanese counterparts 
how to develop a new culture for promoting learning communities at their schools (Sarkar 
Arani and Fukaya 2009). Needless to say, countries such as the United States, China, Indonesia,
Singapore, Iran, and Germany in their attempt to transfer the Japanese model have developed 
their own perspectives on lesson study based on indigenous school cultures, educational context 
and needs.  In the teaching cultures of many countries, opening up classrooms to the outside and 
soliciting criticism are often interpreted uniquely as a means of teacher evaluation, and there is 
a tendency for teachers to have conl icting feelings regarding engaging in lesson study (Matoba, 
Shibata and Sarkar Arani 2007).  Moreover, since the practice of lesson study is typically done 
simultaneously with large numbers of pupils, it is often dii   cult to determine how ef  ective it 
is for all pupils, or how pupils may perceive the instruction. Many strategies are necessary for 
transferring lesson study to other educational contexts. Collaborative lesson plans, participant 
observation, and rel ective thinking on teaching are the three points that serve as the core of 
lesson study, and should be highlighted in its application to other educational contexts. It is 
essential that teachers work together to plan lessons and to give feedback with no one individual 
teacher functioning as the sole leader in lesson study. Educators, as equal participants, must 
clarify their own views toward education and pupil learning; they must present a collaborative 
lesson plan based on these aspects, and articulate their fundamental approaches to teaching.
h  e i  nal consideration is that lesson study should be understood as both regular practice 
and as process, and that problems will not be resolved after a single session. Ef  ective lesson 
study follows the teaching of pupils and their progress over a long period of time. h  is kind 
of long term and continuous research orientation situates lesson study at the heart of school 
culture. 
Acknowledgement
h   is research was supported in part by the Japan Society for the Promotion of Science (JSPS) 
under the Grant-in-Aid for Scientii c Research C (Reference number: 21530811).  h  e authors would 
like to express their gratitude to the JSPS for the assistance and encouragement that made this research 
possible.
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